Protection
Racket
By David
H Feldman
The Baltimore Sun, July 12, 2004
President Bush now has another trade
controversy on his hands. The Commerce
Department has imposed stiff anti-dumping tariffs on $1.2 billion in imports of
Chinese made wooden bedroom furniture.
Since China
now plays the bad guy role once filled by Japan,
most Americans won’t be inclined to protest.
They should.
Like the steel tariffs of two years ago, these import taxes – ranging
from 4.9 percent to 198 percent – are designed to preserve a few thousand jobs in
a threatened industry. If they succeed,
it will be because they have imperiled thousands of jobs in other industries
and have soaked the purchasing power of mostly lower income furniture
buyers.
This case was initiated by a group
of twenty-seven US
furniture manufacturers located mostly in North Carolina
and southern Virginia. Yet the industry itself is split. One of the original plaintiffs – Hooker
Furniture – pulled its name off the petition citing negative effects on its customers
and international suppliers. And the
case was vigorously opposed by a consortium of over sixty major furniture
retailers and catalogue companies whose employment base far exceeds that of the
furniture makers.
The International Trade Commission
(ITC) decides whether there is merit in an anti-dumping petition. To succeed, the petition must convince the
ITC that foreign pricing practices are illegal and create harm. Believe it or not, if low import prices
squeeze the petitioners’ profit margins, the ITC will conclude that harm has
occurred. Any benefit of lower prices
does not count, and damage that the tariff remedy does to other American firms
or to consumers does not matter under current US
trade law.
The US
firms charge that Chinese manufacturers price their goods at less than cost,
but since foreign firms rarely open their internal books to the ITC the
commissioners make guesses about costs, often using data supplied by the
aggrieved American firms. Profit
information supplied by Chinese firms was not accepted by the ITC, despite the
fact that many of China’s
exporters are small private companies or joint ventures with foreign
investors.
Any benefits the anti-dumping duties
might provide for US workers likely will be short lived. Although thirteen percent of the US
retail market for wooden bedroom furniture currently is supplied from China,
US retailers source their purchases throughout Asia. Since one of the twenty-seven American
plaintiffs – Stickley, Inc. – is opening a factory in
next-door Vietnam,
there is more than a whiff of hypocrisy in the air when American firms talk
about saving jobs.
Saving these jobs would require a
much more thoroughgoing assault on wooden furniture imports from around the
world. Since places like Vietnam
and Indonesia
can supply bedroom sets at roughly Chinese quality and price, they may be next
on the hit list. Successful efforts to
protect manufacturers of wooden furniture also set an unfortunate example for other
parts of the industry. If wood gets
special treatment, why not sofas as well?
Filing a petition with the ITC is easy, and the Byrd Amendment – which
funnels tariff revenues directly to the plaintiffs – is an added inducement as
long as it remains law.
There is one perversely hopeful sign
on the horizon. Since joining the World
Trade Organization in 2001, China
has faced twenty-four anti-dumping cases initiated by the United
States.
In that time, China
itself has discovered how to misuse the same legal techniques on behalf of its
own squeaky local wheels. Twenty-five
dumping actions have worked their way through China’s
legal system.
This kind of tit-for-tat protection
is a form of arms race. That’s why China’s
behavior offers a ray of hope. Competitive
arms races often lead to negotiated control agreements if all sides understand
the counterproductive nature of the race.
Anti-dumping actions by China
and others affect real US
firms. In a high profile action this
month, China’s
Ministry of Commerce informed Corning
that its sales of fiber-optics at unfairly low prices constitute dumping. Corning
was ordered to post a 16 percent deposit on sales pending a final resolution of
the issue. Although legal cases in
different countries are supposed to be unconnected, the penalties soon to be
assessed on firms like Corning
likely will be affected by the outcome of the furniture case.
China’s
growing domestic market makes it a magnet for US exporters. If they have to fear capricious Chinese trade
policy they may become a potent political force for reforming American trade
law as part of an international compromise.
Mr.
Feldman is a professor of economics at the College of William
& Mary in Virginia.